Charlotte
Elisheva Fonrobert
A Mikvah
for Feminists
[German]
In recent
years the mikvah - the bath for ritual immersion - has moved to the foreground
of Jewish feminist discussions, especially since conservative and reform
synagogues have begun to build their own mikvaot. (See "Mikveh Mania,"
Jerusalem Report, 10.9.2001, or "Coming of Age: The Growth of the
Conservative Mikveh Movement," United Synagogue Review 54:1, Fall 2001) To a
certain degree it makes sense that the mikvah has been ignored in the earlier
feminist debates, since it is neither a public nor collective institution in the
same sense as the synagogue and the yeshivah. Nonetheless, the mikvah does
function as a communal institution and has historically been at least as central
to the life of traditional communities, if not more so. In fact, according to
Jewish law the construction of a mikvah takes precedence over building a
synagogue.
The mikvah's
primary function lies within the context of traditional Jewish marital life, at
least since the destruction of the temple in Jerusalem and the abolishment of is
requirement of ritual purity. According to Jewish law, in this case derived from
biblical law (Lev 15 and 18:19; 20:19), a Jewish married couple is prohibited
from having sexual or even erotic relations during the wife's menstrual period.
In rabbinic and halakhic literature the menstruating woman is called a niddah.
Etymologically, the term can be derived from either the root n-d-d = "to depart,
flee," or n-d-h = "to chase away." Conceptually, the term most likely describes
the physiological process of the flow of blood, rather than the social
ostracization of the woman from her household or the larger social context. Such
an ostracization cannot be shown for the case of biblical or rabbinic culture.
After the cessation of her bleeding and an additional period of seven days she
goes to the mikvah to immerse herself in accordance with detailed rules. Only
after her immersion is the couple permitted to have sex again. Without mikvah no
children.
Further, men
and women who convert to Judaism have to immerse in the mikvah. And finally, in
certain communities, Jewish men use the mikvah as well on special occasions,
such as chassidic men before the holidays and in some cases regularly on Friday
before Shabbat. However, such uses by men are only customary and not always
halakhically prescribed.
Meanwhile,
more recently there has been a proliferation of popularized halakhic literature
manuals on how to observe the laws of "family purity" (taharat ha-mishpakhah).
Introduced into halakhic discourse only in the nineteenth century, this term is
actually a misnomer, since primarily the menstrual laws are concerned with
sexual discipline and not with ritual impurity that is relevant for the temple
only. Additionally, only the married couple's sexual life and not the entire
family, is affected by the wife's menstrual period. Perhaps the term took hold
at a time of orthodox concern about assimilation and loss of identity in modern
society, especially after the Shoah. Thus, Jewish women are attributed with the
responsibility for preserving Jewish identity and observance.
In front of
this background we have to ask whether the mikvah is or can be a woman's
institution and in what sense it could be such? As far as we are able to judge
women did historically go to the mikvah, but whether they went for the reasons
as they are prescribed in the male-authored halakhic literature can no longer be
established. There are almost no historical texts authored by women about their
own religious beliefs. In the contemporary literature authored by Jewish women,
traditionalists argue that the mikvah is not only an institution that guarantees
a healthy marriage, regulating periods of sexual abstinence and affirmation.
Rather, it also provides an important framework for a Jewish woman's spiritual
life: "Through the mikvah she brings herself in immediate contact with the
source of life, purity and holiness - with the God who surrounds her and is
within her always." (Rivkah Slonim, ed. "Total Immersion: A Mikvah
Anthology," 1995, p. 36) Further, the mikvah here is described as the means
to connect to Jewish women of previous generations.
Conservative
and Reform Jewish women, on the other hand, pose the question whether the mikvah,
if being readapted for feminists, should at all be considered within the
framework of the sexual prohibition or ritual purity or impurity, in as far as
the latter still have any practical value at all. The mikvah can in fact rather
serve as the basis for innovative rituals especially for women, for examples as
part of the process of healing after illness, operations or miscarriages, or as
part of the psychological of experiences such as sexual abuse and rape, divorce
or death. (See Laura Levitt and Sue Ann Wassermann, "Mikvah Ceremony for
Laura," in "Four Centuries of Jewish Women's Spirituality: A Sourcebook,"
ed. Ellen Umansky and Dianne Ashton, 1992) Women have also begun to use the
mikvah as a ritual marking for the beginning or the end of a significant period
of life. Thus a few of the rabbinical students at the Jewish Theological
Seminary in New York decided to go to the Mikvah preceding their ordination in
May of 2001. Further, Anita Diamant, author of the popular novel "The Red
Tent" (1997) and a few other women has started a campaign for the first
"progressive" mikvah in the United States. Beyond the traditional function of
the mikvah the dream for this mikvah is a combination of health spa, counseling
and educational center for the Jewish community.
In the end,
such contemporary adaptations of the mikvah to women's lives and their interests
specifically may not much resemble the traditional halakhic circumscription of
the mikvah. However, the contemporary mikvah movement can be regarded as one of
the important avenues of the transformation of Judaism into a culture in that
women take on defining roles.
Charlotte
Elisheva Fonrobert is the author of "Menstrual Purity: Rabbinic and Christian
Reconstructions of biblical Gender" (2000).
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